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History Lies: Foundations of Anti-„Stalinism“

For the occasion, here is a Google translation of the article:

History Lies: Foundations of Anti-„Stalinism“

History Lies: Foundations of Anti-„Stalinism“

Source:  , Andrea Schön , Dortmund logo offensive

The most important research results after the opening of the Kremlin archives

Anti-„Stalinism“, the Trojan horse in the communist movement, stands or falls with the concept of Stalinism, ie a conceptual generalization of „non-socialist“ phenomena that has grown out of personalization – vulgo: In the Stalin era there was a violent deviation from „socialist principles“. , and Stalin is mainly to blame for this. In abstract-revisionist usage, what is meant is a more or less coherent „political type“ of a society based on socialist economy, which is based on elements such as „over-centralization“ in the structures of party and society, administrative-bureaucratic methods instead of collective decision-making processes through to „command structures“ especially in the economy etc., to the alienation of the individual from collective property,leads to socio-political passivity and finally to the blunting of the masses into uncritical followers of orders. This goes hand in hand with the criticism that this „political type“ has proved unable to use the achievements of the bourgeois revolution (Separation of powers, civil liberties, pluralism, etc. ) to be positively abolished, ie to include their progressive aspects in the development of socialist society. To exaggerate even further, a “Thermidor” is identified in the Soviet Union in a historical-philosophical manner based on the course of the French Revolution, ie the alleged annihilation of the avant-garde of the revolution in favor of the rule of a privileged bureaucratic caste.Although these approaches use Marxist terminology, a closer look reveals how little attention is paid to the dialectic between economics and politics in socialism and the connection between national and international class struggle under the concrete historical conditions. However, the topic is too complex to even begin to be meaningfully dealt with in a small article. Many valuable analyzes have already been published in the offensive and in the Rotfuchs magazine and will certainly appear in the future.In this article, I would like to concentrate on those facts and figures that always resonate as the “background radiation” of the aforementioned “Stalinism” debate – whether one refers to them explicitly or not: these are the “victims of Stalinism”, their assumed number forms the mostly completely unreflected starting point of such a debate; unreflected because it is primarily the opponent’s question that one ( Communist ) works itself through, imperceptibly to inevitably ending up in a completely metaphysical, ie ahistorically moralizing discussion – and on that defensive, on which the opponent actually belongs, who to this day cannot get over the fact that the Soviet Union under Stalin gave the imperialist camp its greatest so far and inflicted the most ignominious defeats.Imagine, for example, that Stalin and his team had navigated the Soviet Union from the Middle Ages to modern times in just a decade, then smashed Hitler’s army and then brought the country back to pre-war levels within five years – and all without a „countless number“. ’ of sacrifice, which of course has to be on a huge scale so that even the most unscrupulous comrade, morally shaken to the core, is never freed from the question: ‘Was it worth it?’After neglecting the ideological web of phrases surrounding the concept of Stalinism, what remains is the core: the number of victims. In the following I would like to deal with the data available on this, as reported in particular by Mario Sousa, party member of the Swedish KPML( r ), in his article „Lies concerning the history of the Soviet Union . was collected.After the opening of the archives of the Central Committee of the CPSU, some scientific works on this topic appeared in 1990, which received little attention from the world public – unlike, for example, the notorious „Black Book of Communism“ ( Stephane Courtois et al., France 1997 ), which the „Stalin Victims“ extrapolated to up to 20 million ( ironically enough, this number corresponds to the Russian war casualties in World War II ) or similarly illustrious literature that operates according to the „Who bids more?“ paradigm.

Nazis launch victim legend

Before examining the uncovered statistical data in more detail, let’s take a quick look at the genesis of the legend of the victim.As already announced in 1925 in Hitler’s „Mein Kampf“, the Ukraine was regarded as the „granary“ for the „people without space“ and thus as one of the most important war targets of German fascism in the East. In order to prepare for the military campaign through propaganda, Goebbels launched a smear campaign against the Bolsheviks in the Ukraine, who allegedly handed over their people to a catastrophic famine deliberately provoked by Stalin. However, the campaign proved to be all too transparent with regard to the fascist war aims behind it.However, support came from William Hearst, the founder of the tabloid press in the USA, who in the 1940s owned 25 daily newspapers, 24 weeklies, 12 radio stations, one of the first television stations and 2 news agencies. Newspapers had a combined daily circulation of 13 million and were read by a third of the adult population in the United States. In 1934, the ultra-conservative nationalist and anti-Communist Hearst was received by Hitler as a guest and friend. After this visit, Hearst’s newspapers were suddenly full of horror stories about the Soviet Union – from alleged genocide to cases of slavery, a luxurious leadership etc. The material was supplied by the Gestapo.One of the first campaigns was the one about the Ukrainian famine that said: “6 Million People Are Starving in the Soviet Union,” headlined the Chicago American on February 18, 1935, launching reports that it had been deliberately brought about by the Bolsheviks. ( By the way : The hired writer called himself Thomas Walker, an allegedly well-travelled journalist who had crossed the Soviet Union for years. We will come back to him later. )In fact, we know that the beginning of the 1930s was marked by fierce class struggles in the countryside: poor landless peasants revolted against the kulaks, rich landowners to set up kolkhozes ( cooperatives ) enforce. A large proportion of the kulaks, for their part, tried to prevent their huge private ownership of land and agricultural tools from being brought into the collective farm economy – by slaughtering their cattle, through sabotage actions or by deliberately infiltrating the collective farms. A total of 120 million peasants were involved in these fierce class struggles.The party had the extremely difficult task of directing the mass movement for the expropriation of the kulaks in an orderly manner and at the same time fundamentally solving the land question as a class question ( that is, to enforce the expropriation of the kulaks). In particular, the clashes with right-wing nationalists in Ukraine led to severe food shortages. But it was precisely this reactionary clique that supported the Nazis in their genocide of the Jews during the occupation and cynically started the myth of the „Ukrainian Holocaust“ in exile in the US after the Second World War, which also added to the number of victims of the Jews corresponded to: 6 million ( cf. Martens, p. 129 ff .).

Sacrificial legend for the second

Nazi lies survived World War II cultivated by American and British intelligence ( CIA and MI5 ) and always held a privileged place in anti-Soviet propaganda. McCarthy’s witch hunts in the 1950s were also based on the fairy tale of millions dying of starvation in Ukraine. In 1953, a book entitled Black Deeds of the Kremlin was published in the United States , financed by Ukrainian Nazi collaborators who had fled to the United States. During Ronald Reagan’s US presidency in the 1980s, the same propaganda record was reissued, and in 1984 it received a boost from a Harvard professor’s book entitled Human Life in Russia) scientific consecration. Another book on the subject was published in 1986, this time by a former member of the British Secret Service, Robert Conquest, a professor at Stamford University in California, entitled Harvest of Sorrow . For this work, Robert Conquest received $80,000 from the fascist Ukraine National Organization, which in 1942 was building a partisan army in Ukraine in support of the Nazis, most of its members serving as police officers, execution squads, partisan hunters, and local administrators for the Gestapo or SS had worked ( cf. Martens, p. 127). Incidentally, this organization also financed a film in 1986 called „Harvest of Despair“ ( literally: Harvest of Despair ), which is based, among other things, on Conquest’s material. By that time, the alleged starvation deaths in Ukraine had already reached an impressive 15 million.A bright spot in the perennially revived web of lies is the publication of Douglas Tottle, a Canadian journalist whose book entitled Fraud, Famine and Fascism, The Ukrainian Genocide Myth from Hitler to Harvard from the Ukrainian genocide from Hitler to Harvard) appeared in Toronto in 1987 and refuted the stubbornly preserved lying propaganda with a wealth of material. Among other things, he was able to prove that various authors, including Conquest, used photos of starving children that are proven to be from 1922 – consequences of the war of intervention against the Soviet Union! Tottle further proves that Thomas Walker, the journalist responsible for Ukraine’s horror reports, actually went by the name of Robert Green, what an escaped convict from Colorado State Penitentiary and admitted in court that he had never been to Ukraine to be. And, of all things, the reports of the actual Moscow correspondent of the Hearst press, Lindsay Parrott, for exampleabout the excellent harvest in the Soviet Union in 1933 and the progress made in the Ukraine, have never been published. Parrott was in the Ukraine in 1934 and after a successful year of harvest could not see any signs of famine (tottle; quoted in Martens, p. 116 ).

Conquest and Solzhenitsyn – sacrificial legend to the third

One of the most famous authors about the deaths of millions in the Soviet Union is Robert Conquest, the actual creator of all the myths and lies that spread after the Second World War. His best-known books are The Great Terror) from 1969 and „Harvest of Sorrow“. After that, not only did millions of people starve to death in Ukraine, but also in the Gulag labor camps and in the course of the Moscow trials in 1936-38. Conquest’s sources are exiled Ukrainians in the US, an illustrious society that belonged to the most right-wing parties and supported the Nazis in World War II. Many of Conquest’s heroes are known war criminals involved in the 1942 genocide of the Jewish population in Ukraine, including convicted war criminal Mykola Lebed, security chief in Lvov during the occupation. He was taken under the wing of the CIA, which he was available to use as an „intelligence“ source.Conquest’s past as a former agent in the Information Research Department (IRD)) of the British secret service – responsible for the targeted launching of “information” in the foreign press – was revealed in a Guardian article on January 27, 1978. The IRD, in turn, became notorious for its involvement in right-wing extremism, which is why it had to cease its activities in 1977. By then he had managed to feed disinformation material to more than 100 of Britain’s most prominent journalists – from the Financial Times, The Times, The Economist, the Daily Mail and Daily Mirror, The Express, The Guardian etc. Robert Conquest worked for the IRD until 1956 with the task of contributing to the so-called „black history“ of the Soviet Union. Even after Conquest officially left the service, he wrote his books with its support. For example, „The Great Terror“ consisted essentially of material he had collected during his time in the secret service and was published with the support of the IRD. Conquest’s main target groups were useful idiots like university professors and media people, who gave his lies the widest possible audience.Another famous “Gulag” author is the well-known Alexander Solzhenitsyn, who was sentenced to eight years in a labor camp in 1946 for counter-revolutionary activities in the form of spreading anti-Soviet propaganda. He believed that a compromise with Hitler could have prevented war against Nazi Germany, and accused the Soviet government and Stalin of having played an even worse role than Hitler in the horrific aftermath of the war. Solzhenitsyn made no secret of his Nazi sympathies. With the approval and help of Khrushchev, he began publishing his books in 1962, in 1970 he received the Nobel Prize for Literature for his “Archipelago Gulag”, in 1974 he emigrated to Switzerland and then to the USA. There he was gladly passed around as a traveling lecturer, including being invited to the AFL-CIO trade union congress in 1975 and on July 15, 1975 even before the US Senate to assess the world situation. He agitated for renewed intervention in Vietnam (after the defeat of the USA!) for the liberation of the allegedly thousands of captured and enslaved US soldiers and for an American invasion of Portugal in the wake of the so-called Carnation Revolution in 1974. Consequently, he mourned the liberation of the Portuguese colonies in Africa and propagated further US arms build-up against a Soviet Union that was allegedly had five to seven times as many tanks and planes and two to three if not five times as many nuclear weapons. Particularly piquant: On Spanish television in 1976 he warned against democratic liberalization, among other things by referring to the 110 million victims of Russian socialism. Solzhenitsyn’s sympathy for the former tsarist regime,cf. Sousa ).

The statistical methods of casualty counters

Conquest, Solzhenitsyn and the well-known “anti-Stalinist” Roy Medvedev used statistical material from the Soviet Union, such as national censuses, for their casualty counts. Regardless of the concrete situation in the country, a statistical increase in the population was added to this. This resulted in a target population for the respective years. The difference to the actual numbers meant either death or imprisonment. Tottle describes this method using the following example: “Taking the data from the 1926 census ( … ) and those from the January 17, 1939 census ( … ) as well as an annual average growth rate before collectivization ( 2.36%), it can be calculated that Ukraine ( … ) lost 7.5 million people in the intervening period of these two censuses” ( quoted in Martens, p. 122 ). It is clear that any halfway serious Western scientist would object to such a method were it not for the Soviet Union. ( Ukraine did not even have the same borders in 1939 as in 1926, apart from other factors such as declining birth rates as a result of the war of intervention, changes in registered nationality, migrations, etc. )In this way, Conquest calculated in 1961 6 million starvation deaths in the Soviet Union in the early 1930s and increased this number to 14 million in 1986. For the Moscow trials alone he calculated seven million prisoners in 1937-38 and a total of 12 million political ( ! ) prisoners in the labor camps in 1939 ( in 1950 there were again said to have been 12 million political prisoners in the SU). According to Conquest, the common criminals far exceeded this number, so that there were said to be 25-30 million prisoners in the labor camps. One million political prisoners were murdered between 1937 and 1939, and another two million died of starvation. Including “statistical adjustments”, Conquest came up with a total of 12 million political prisoners killed between 1930 and 1953. Together with the starvation deaths of the 1930s, this gives 26 million deaths to the account of the Bolsheviks ( Stalin ).The fantasy numbers appeared in the bourgeois press in the 1960s as facts that were supposedly based on scientific-statistical methods, and – although they originated largely from the house of the CIA/MI5 – they were or are still being used by large parts of the western population ( including the left ) taken at face value. Especially those circles that see themselves as leftist, progressive, Marxist, etc., should be assumed to scrutinize the sources of every report about the SU on principle, instead of obsessively aping every horror report ( especially about the “Stalin era” ).But the situation worsened significantly under Gorbachev. Until 1990, figures like Solzhenitsyn, Sakharov and Medvedev could not impress anyone in the Soviet Union with their fantasies. But when the „free press“ was opened, everything that was opposed and directed against socialism was suddenly considered positive and worth reporting – with disastrous consequences: An unbelievable inflation of those allegedly arrested and killed began, and according to the motto „Who offers more?“ the tens of millions of „victims of the communists“ were soon added. The hysteria of the „free press“ sponsored by Gorbachev again flushed the lies of Conquest and Solzhenitsyn to the surface and demanded the opening of the archives.

Gorbachev opens the archives and the sacrificial legend is shattered. The official report on the Soviet penal system

When, in 1990, Gorbachev finally had the archives of the Central Committee of the CPSU opened for historical studies, something very strange happened: the long-awaited opening of the archives, which had promised all speculators about the death toll the final confirmation of their laborious calculations, was suddenly met with complete disinterest and Grave silence acknowledged in the media.The research results that the Russian historians VN Zemskow, AN Dugin and OV Xlewnjuk ( spelling from English! ) have been presenting in scientific journals since 1990 have gone completely unnoticed. The research results never got beyond the narrow professional circles of the trade journals and were thus unable to even scratch the general victim hysteria of the mainstream media.In the West, too, the results of the opening of the archives were ignored and were not found in the major print media or on any television station. The left-wing press also documented little visible interest in the research results, not to speak of the official revision of hitherto uncritically circulated horror stories on the subject of „Crimes of Stalinism“. What happened?The official report on the Soviet penal system runs to nearly 9,000 pages. Many authors have worked on it, the most well-known being the Russian historians Zemskov, Dugin and Xlewnyuk. In the West, the report was presented as a result of collaboration between researchers from different Western countries. The data to which Mario Sousa refers and which, as mentioned at the beginning, are the real subject of this article, were published in 1993:

  • in the French journal “L’Histoire” ( The History ) by Nicholas Werth, research director at the French research center Center National de la Recherche Scientifique ( CNRS – National Scientific Research Center )

    in the journal American Historical Review by J. Arch Getty, history professor at the University of California, Riverside, along with GT Rettersporn, a CNRS researcher, and Russian scholar Zemskow of the Institute of Russian History at the Russian State Academy of Science

In this context, Mario Sousa expressly points out that none of the researchers involved can be assigned to the socialist camp, rather they are bourgeois, sometimes openly reactionary researchers – with the crucial difference, however, that they place their scientific integrity above any ideological bias , ie do not falsify data in the interest of their ideological orientation or their wallet.The data provide comprehensive information on the following questions:

  • Components of the Soviet penal system

    Number of political and non-political prisoners-number of deaths in the labor camps

    Number of death sentences before 1953, particularly in the purges of 1937-38

    average length of prison sentences

The Gulag

From the 1930s onwards, the Soviet penal system included prisons, the Gulag’s labor camps and labor colonies, as well as special open ranges and fines.Pre-trial detention took place in normal prisons. The penalties for a guilty verdict ranged from a fine in the form of a certain percentage of wages for a defined period of time to imprisonment and a death sentence.Those who had committed a serious crime ( murder/manslaughter, robbery, rape, white-collar crime, etc. ) were sent to the labor camps, as were a large proportion of those convicted of counter-revolutionary activities. Even those sentenced to more than three years in prison could be sent to labor camps. Conversely, after a certain period of time in the labor camp, prisoners could be transferred to a labor colony or to a special open area.In 1940 there were 53 labor camps in which the detainees worked under strict supervision in large areas.There were 425 labor colonies, ie much smaller units than labor camps, with freer regulations and less supervision. Here came prisoners with shorter sentences, whose crimes or political offenses were less serious. They worked as equal citizens in factories or in the countryside and formed part of civil society. In most cases, the entire wages belonged to the prisoner, which put him on an equal footing with his colleagues.The special open areas were typically agricultural areas to which kulaks exiled in the course of collectivization were exiled. In addition, prisoners who had committed minor crimes also came there.

454,000 is not 9 million!

The following table provides an overview of those incarcerated in the respective camps and prisons between 1934 and 1953, including the proportion of those convicted of political crimes and all fatalities:

e.g. 1.January

labor camp

political prisoner genes

Percentage ownership %


Percentage ownership %

released early


labor colony


prisoners in total


















































































































































































































Source: Custodial Population 1934-1953 , The American Historical Review

A number of conclusions can be drawn from these figures:First, you can compare them to Robert Conquest’s data. We recall that according to Conquest’s claim in 1939 there were 12 million political prisoners in the labor camps and 3 million of them died in the period 1937-1939.And Conquest speaks in this context exclusively of political prisoners!In 1950, after Conquest, there were also 12 million political prisoners. As can now be seen, his data does not even remotely match the researched archive data. In 1939 the total number of all prisoners in all forms of custody totaled 2 million. Of these, 454,000 were found guilty of political crimes – not 12 million as Conquest claims, and some 165,000 died in labor camps between 1937 and 1939 – not about 3 million; that is 5.3% of all labor camp inmates during this period. For an easier overview:

In the period

according to Conquest’s claim

according to archive data


12 million poles prisoners in gulags



3 million dead political prisoners

166,424 deaths in total


12 million political prisoners


A total of 2.5 million Soviet citizens lived in captivity in the specified period, ie 2.4% of the adult population – certainly not a small number and an indicator of the contradictions that still exist in society. Nevertheless, the number was still below that of the main imperialist power. A comparison with the data from the USA: In 1996 there were 5.5 million prisoners in the richest country in the world, ie 2.8% of the adult population.Now to the question of fatalities. The percentage of those who died in the labor camp varied between 0.3% and 18% in the given period. The causes of death were essentially due to the general shortage in the country, in particular the medical supply situation to combat epidemics. At the time, however, this affected not only the Soviet Union, but also all developed countries. Only with the invention of penicillin during the Second World War was an effective remedy for contagious diseases created. In fact, it was again the war years that accounted for half of all deaths in the period studied. Not to forget the 25 million fatalities who died „in freedom“. The systematic decline in fatalities after World War II (nominal and percentage ) is also due to the improved medical care.

death sentences and executions

Robert Conquest claims that the Bolsheviks killed 12 million political prisoners in labor camps between 1930 and 1953. Of these, 1 million perished in the purges of 1937 and 1938. Solzhenitsyn even speaks of tens of millions of dead people in the labor camps, 3 million of them in 1937/38 alone. This number was far exceeded in the course of the „Who offers more?“ campaign under Gorbachev. This is what the Russian Olga Shatunovskaya calls about 7 million dead during the purges of 1937/38.The data from various archives, on the other hand, speak a different language: you have to take into account that the researchers used different sources and compared them with each other. Double counting was certainly unavoidable. For example, according to Dimitri Volkogonov, who was appointed by Yeltsin to be responsible for the Soviet archives, 30,514 people were sentenced to death by military tribunals in the years from October 1, 1936 to September 30, 1938. Another figure comes from the KGB: According to information released to the press in February 1990, in the 23 years between 1930 and 1953, 786,098 people were sentenced to death for crimes against the revolution, 681,692 of them in 1937 and 1938. These However, the figures still need to be verified. According to the data available from the archives, Mario Sousa estimates the number of death sentences actually carried out in 1937-38 at around 100,000. Many death sentences were commuted to imprisonment or were based on crimes such as murder or rape.Finally, there is the question of the average length of sentence in a labor camp. The anti-communist propagandists give the impression that a prisoner usually did not survive the labor camp or was held indefinitely. It turns out, however, that the maximum sentence in the Stalin era for most of the prisoners was 5 years. For example, according to the American Historical Review, 82.4% of common criminals in 1936 received prison sentences of up to 5 years and 17.6% between 5 and 10 years. Of the political prisoners, 44.2% received prison sentences of up to 5 years and 50.7% between 5 and 10 years. For 1939 the following figures are available from Soviet courts: 95.9% up to 5 years, 4% between 5 and 10 years and 0.1% over 10 years.As for the kulaks, 381,000 families, ie 1.8 million people, were exiled in the course of expropriation, the smaller part of whom had to work in the camps or colonies. Due to fierce class disputes between the kulaks and the poorer peasants, which eventually culminated in the big peasants raiding kolkhoz farms, killing peasants and party workers, burning fields and slaughtering cattle to provoke famine, 1.8 million of the 10 million kulaks were eventually exiled or sentenced. As already mentioned, 120 million people were involved in these class clashes, so that certain injustices also happened in this context.

The „purges“ of 1937

The Moscow trials were the culmination of long-term disputes with Trotsky and his supporters, who criticized, circumvented and sabotaged the decisions of the Central Committee and fundamentally did not accept the intra-party majority. This finally led to means of struggle beyond official discourse: industrial sabotage, espionage for the potential enemy ( Germany, Japan ) and finally treason ( agreements between Leon Trotsky and the German Reichswehr or Reich government on the cession of large parts of the Soviet Union in the event of a Nazi invasion, overthrow the existing one and replacing it with a Trotskyist government); see, inter alia, Kahn & Sayers, Third Book, p.Another conspiracy took place in the army around Marshal Tukhachevsky, which led to a purge in the Red Army. Conquest also has horrific figures on this: 15,000 officers and 20,000 commissars ( ie half of the alleged 70,000 officers and political commissars of the Red Army ) were captured and either executed or sentenced to life imprisonment in the labor camps. Historian Roger Reese, in his work The Red Army and the Great Purges, gives) the following facts: In 1937 there were 144,300 officers and political commissars in the army and air force and 282,300 in 1939. During the purges of 1937/38 34,300 officers and commissars were dismissed for political reasons. By May 1940, however, 11,596 had been rehabilitated and reinstated in their posts. That is, among those released were 22,705 officers and commissars ( of whom 13,000 were army officers, 4,700 were air force officers and 5,000 were political prisoners ). That is a total of 7.7% of all officers and commissars, of which only a small proportion were convicted as traitors, while the rest returned to civilian life.Overall, the persecution of the counter-revolution as a class issue becomes clear, among other things, from the affiliation of political prisoners to certain occupational groups. So Medvedev names among others: lawyers, administrators in the educational system, biologists, technical intelligentsia, plant managers, chief engineers, painters, actors, musicians, architects and filmmakers – lower to upper bourgeois intelligentsia. The essence of “repression” has not changed from Lenin to Stalin – hence the comment by bourgeois critics that Lenin already betrayed Marxist principles and that Stalin only increased the whole thing to the point of monstrosity. In fact, fighting the counter-revolution was and is the central class question, the power question of the proletarian revolution, the question of to be or not to be a socialist society. It is therefore not a moral question, especially since a revolution is the worst possible time to engage in metaphysical reflections on the value of human life. That may sound cynical, but that doesn’t make it any less true or real: Imperialism kills millions every day; no means should be spared to EFFECTIVELY put this murder machine out of action – so that humanity can finally take its history into its own hands and soon there will be NO more victims to count. Imperialism kills in the millions every day; no means should be spared to EFFECTIVELY put this murder machine out of action – so that humanity can finally take its history into its own hands and soon there will be NO more victims to count. Imperialism kills in the millions every day; no means should be spared to EFFECTIVELY put this murder machine out of action – so that humanity can finally take its history into its own hands and soon there will be NO more victims to count.PS Another tip from Kenneth Neill Cameron , former professor at New York University: In the Paris Commune of 1870, the working class was not yet aware of the brutality with which the bourgeoisie is trying to regain lost power – if need be, with the help of their bitter enemies. The result: 30,000 corpses lined the streets of Paris, the bourgeoisie and the monarchy triumphed. This experience should also be remembered in the future for a new „attempt“.

Literature:Cameron, Kenneth Neill: „Stalin – Man of Contradiction“ , NC Press Limited, Toronto 1987 Martens. Ludo: „Stalin viewed differently“, EPO VZW Verlag, Berchem/Belgium 1998 Sayers, Michael and Kahn, Albert E.: „The great conspiracy“, Verlag Volk und Welt, 1949 Sousa, Mario: „Read concerning the history of the Soviet Union”, in: Proletären ( Sweden ), April 1998